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5 juillet Sri Lanka's strategic importance
More pointedly, Ramachandran Rao said: " Foreign airstrips and naval control of Trincomalee would unbearably expose the Indian peninsula to air and sea bombardment and assault along her extensive coasts. Ceylon is within Indian defence area, at the very heart centre of the Indian Ocean defence." India-Sri Lanka Accord of 1987 According to Somasundaram, the India-Sri Lanka Accord of July 1987 and the deployment of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) were "ostensibly" meant to find a solution to the Tamil ethnic/separatist problem within a united Sri Lanka, but their "real" objective was to secure for India strategic control over Sri Lanka. India feared encirclement by hostile forces. It had problems with all its neighbours, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and China. China was in cahoots with the Pakistanis, Bangladeshis and Nepalese. The US and Pakistan were close allies particularly because of the Pakistani role in Afghanistan, where the US was fighting a proxy war against the Soviets. India, on the other hand, had continued its close ties with the Soviets to the chagrin of the US. India feared that the JR Jayewardene regime in Sri Lanka, which was lurching towards the West, would soon be a part of a Western alliance against India, because of the latter's support for the cause of the minority Tamils in the island. The Indian support for Tamil militants after the 1983 riots was propelling Jayewardene towards the US-led camp. To add to India's fears, in 1985, Jayewardene reminded British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher that the Defence pact the British had signed with Sri Lanka in 1947 was still there, not having been abrogated formally. India was worried about the influx of foreign intelligence personnel into Sri Lanka (specifically, Israelis fronting for the US); the fate of the Trincomalee harbour; and the use to which the vast VOA facilities was being put. India felt that the US was using the communication facilities at the VOA station in the island to spy on India and communicate with US submarines in the region. And British mercenaries from the Channel islands-based KMS Ltd were training the Sri Lankan armed forces. This was the reason why India appended to the India-Sri Lanka accord of July 1987, an exchange of letters between President JR Jayewardene and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Through the letters, the two leaders agreed that: (1) Trincomalee or any other port of Sri Lanka, will not be made available for military use by any country in a manner prejudicial to India's interests. (2) The work of restoring and operating the Trincomalee oil tank farm will be undertaken as a joint venture between India and Sri Lanka. (3) Sri Lanka's agreement with foreign broadcasting organisations will be reviewed to ensure that any facilities set up are used solely as public broadcasting facilities and not for any military or intelligence purposes. However, when India and Sri Lanka did sign the accord and the IPKF was deployed, neither the US nor the UK raised a little finger. By then, equations had changed. "Both Britain and the US viewed the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka as one which was really the concern of India, and that India should therefore play a major role in obtaining a political solution to this," Somasundaram observes. In fact, the US had by then assigned to India, the role of its proxy in the region. Indicating a new trend in US thinking on relations with India, Henry Kissinger said in an article he wrote in Newsweek in 1988: "India will play an increasing international role. Its goals are analogous to the British east of Suez in the nineteenth century - a policy essentially shaped by the Viceroy's Office in New Delhi. It will seek to be the strongest power in the subcontinent, and will attempt to prevent the emergence of a major power in the Indian Ocean and South East Asia. Whatever the day to day irritations between New Delhi and Washington, India's geopolitical interest will impel it over the next decade to assume some of the security functions now exercised by the US." It is in accordance with this role that India has assumed charge of refurbishing and running the Trincomalee oil tank farm in a joint venture with the Sri Lankan government. It is no secret that India is in Trincomalee for strategic purposes and that the Ranil Wickremesinghe government gave the oil tank farm to India primarily for the defence of Sri Lanka. India has also seen to it that the Trincomalee harbour is not handed over to any foreign power. Significantly, it was India which did the clearing and mapping of the Trincomalee and Colombo harbours after the tsunami. (PK Balachandran is Special Correspondent for Hindustan Times in Sri Lanka) |
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